The following, from La Rochefoucauld’s (Leonard Tancock, trans.) Maxims (London: Penguin Books, 1959 [1678]), is perhaps more true today than when it was written:
One of the reasons why so few people are to be found who seem sensible and pleasant in conversation is that almost everybody is thinking about what he wants to say himself rather than about answering clearly what is being said to him. The more clever and polite think it enough simply to put on an attentive expression, while all the time you can see in their eyes and train of thought that they are far removed from what you are saying and anxious to get back to what they want to say. They ought, on the contrary, to reflect that such keenness to please oneself is a bad way of pleasing and persuading others, and that to listen well and answer to the point is one of the most perfect qualities one can have in conversation.
One day I hope to proffer a number of different, more elevating and inspiring models of conversation, some of which have existed in European and Asian history and involved vigorous debate, discussion, dialogue and deliberation of the highest order on matters of significance to the people of that time and place, matters that expressed shared and different beliefs and values and occasionally rather different worldviews and ideologies. They were consciously and otherwise often shaped and guided by norms of equality, rationality, sense and sensibility, sociability, and the moral psychological autonomy of individuals, while the power of their ideas and politics often rippled far beyond the circumference of their small social circles. The interlocutors in these ideal cases are minimally “sensible” and perhaps often “pleasant.” They exemplify the fine art of conversation insofar as they are attentive to the thoughts and feelings of others. This is but one example of what I have in mind:
The anarchist philosopher William Godwin (1756 –1836)* drew inspiration for his model of the anarchist society and its well-known reliance on sophisticated individual judgment as a vehicle of rationality and benevolence from “the context of the social circles in which he lived, worked and debated.” These radical social circles in turn “were part of a larger middle class community which drew on a range of philosophical and literary traditions in developing critical perspectives on contemporary social and political institutions” (Mark Philp). To be sure, Godwin drew upon the philosophes and British radicals, as well as the periphery of the early Liberal tradition (e.g., Paine), but especially the “writings, sermons, and traditions of Rational Dissent” when composing An Enquiry Composing Political Justice (first edition, 1793, later editions to 1798); but his belief in the veracity of his critique and vision was grounded in the daily life of the social circles of metropolitan radicalism in which he worked and spent his convivial and leisure activities. While this social and intellectual culture soon succumbed to government repression, it provides intimate empirical evidence that might be said to confirm Godwin’s belief—one shared with Condorcet—in the “perfectibility” (which is distinct from ‘perfectionism’) of man and the anarchist society for the provision of fertile soil for same. Godwin was not a political activist (although he knew members of radical groups and organizations) but a philosopher, but the radical social circles in which he lived temper the utopian (and crudely utilitarian) tendencies of his great work, at the very least they demonstrate the viability of at least some radical principles through their incarnation in daily praxis, even if Godwin lacked sufficient appreciation of the wider and deeper socio-economic and political conditions that made possible that praxis and served as a necessary material and political condition for radical sentiment and actions.
“Given the assumptions and conventions of his background and his social circles” writes Philp, “his position could be rationally defensible.” Godwin’s seemingly naïve faith in the power of private rational judgment was confirmed in his experience of these social and intellectual circles, which included, but were not limited to academics. In Philp’s words,
“… [Godwin’s] membership [in] a literate and intellectual culture … cannot be identified politically, socially or intellectually with either aristocratic privilege or with the potentially violent and disruptive London poor. It is in this group that we find the politically unattached intellectuals and writers who had greeted the French Revolution and who had called for reform at home on intellectual and humanitarian grounds. [While this group is] “diffuse and made up of heterogeneous social and intellectual currents … there seems to be no doubt that in the last quarter of the eighteenth century, there existed in both London and the provinces significant number of critical, literate, professional men and women who held often very radical views on social, political and religious issues who regularly met together for the purposes of discussion in a number of overlapping social and professional circles. [….] Godwin moves in the company of artists, portrait painters, engravers, grammarians, industrialists, writers, editors, publishers, antiquarians, librarians, actors, theater managers, playwrights, musicians, novelists, poets, classical scholars, scientists, dons, lawyers, mathematicians, doctors, surgeons, and divines—and this list is not exhaustive. We should also recognize that members of these groups sustained a commitment to radical thinking throughout most of the last decade of the century.”
The middling class radicalism of these men and women was not simply the product of a Dissenting background, the French Revolution, and the influence of the philosophes, for it required the warp and woof of a cultural experience of that type of sociability that formed the “basic fabric of late-eighteenth century intellectual life:”
“Once he had concluded his morning’s work Godwin’s day was free and he generally spent it in company—talking and debating while eating, drinking and socialising. His peers’ behavior was essentially similar; they lived in a round of debate and discussion in clubs, associations, debating societies, salons, taverns, coffee houses, bookshops, publishing houses, and in the street. And conversation ranged through philosophy, morality, religion, literature and poetry, to the political events of the day. Members of these circles were tied together in the ongoing practice of debate. These men and women were not the isolated heroes and heroines of Romanticism pursuing a lonely course of discovery; they were people who worked out their ideas in company and who articulated the aspirations and fears of their social group. Their consciousness of their group identity was of signal importance….”
Here we discern the skeletal structure of Godwin’s anarchist ideal of a natural society, one which is fundamentally “discursive” or, better, conversational, in other words, a society defined by “intellectually active and communicative agents, a society wherein advances are made through a dialectic of individual reflection and group discussion.” Reason and “argument” were the lifeblood of a radicalism that flourished in this kind of sociability:
“The rules of debate for this group were simple: no one has a right to go against reason, no one has a right to coerce another’s judgment, and every individual has a right—indeed, a duty—to call to another’s attention his faults and failings. This is a democratically participatory and deliberative discourse; furthermore, it artfully combines a sense of community or fraternity with individual moral and political autonomy: truth progresses through debate and discussion and from each submitting his beliefs and reasoning to the scrutiny of others.” The values of openness, rationality, and discussion or conversation that distinguished this sociability were likewise suffused with the norms and values that animated the literature of “sensibility.”
* As Peter Marshall informs us in his first-rate biography of Godwin, “At different times in his life, [Godwin] was a journalist, literary critic, satirist, political philosopher, psychologist, economist, educationalist, biographer, historian, novelist, playwright, essayist, grammarian, lexicographer, fabulist, and writer of sermons and children’s books,” as well as a nonviolent revolutionary!
For more on this, in addition to Philp’s book, Godwin’s Political Justice (Cornell University Press, 1986), from which the above was extracted, see too his later work, Radical Conduct: Politics, Sociability and Equality in London, 1789-1815 (Cambridge University Press, 2020).