Wo-Chi-Ca—a communist children’s camp: education in democratic and egalitarian values under the polestar of social justice

Apologia

While summer camps are, for the children (perhaps for some of their charges as well) and in most respects, a break from the typical school year, I think preschools, primary (or elementary), and secondary schools in this country should aim for learning experiences more akin to Wo-Chi-Ca and similar communist summer camps in this country from the 1920s through the 1950s. In addition, contemporary anarchist philosophy of education and pedagogical practices likewise provide us with several highly refined models worthy of emulation, particularly insofar as they reveal principled commitment to a prefigurative praxis which embodies—as far as is possible in a Liberal capitalist democracy—an alternative democratic and socialist society (or facets of that society) here and now (a ‘realistic utopia’ or as ‘heterotopias’). This entails an “integral education” (i.e., both manual and mental labor) committed to the moral psychological and political imperatives and obligations of personal autonomy (including the possibilities for self-development and self-realization) in complementary consonance with the revolutionary values of liberté, egalité, fraternité basking in the light of participatory and deliberative democracy. One of the fundamental normative criteria we can use to assess our progress in this regard will be evidenced in the extent to which happiness—or eudaimonia—has unequivocally become an aim of education, and thus whether or not our educational praxis “contribute[s] significantly to personal and collective happiness.”

… [T]he educational system does not add to or subtract from the overall degree of [economic] inequality and repressive personal development. Rather it is best understood as an institution which serves to perpetuate the social relationships of economic life through which these patterns are set, by facilitating a smooth integration of youth into the labor force. This role takes a variety of forms. Schools foster legitimate inequality through the ostensibly meritocratic by which they reward and promote students, and allocate them to distinct positions in the occupational hierarchy. They create and reinforce patterns of social class, racial and sexual identification among students which allow them to relate ‘properly’ to their eventual standing in the hierarchy of authority and statue in the production process. Schools foster types of personal development compatible with the relationships of dominance and subordinacy in the economic sphere …. [T]he educational system operates in this manner not so much through the conscious intentions of teachers and administrators in their day-to-day activities, but through a close correspondence between the social relationships which govern personal interaction in the work place and the social relationships in the educational system. [….]

… [T]hough the school system has effectively served the interests of profit and political stability, it has hardly been a finely tuned instrument of manipulation in the hands of socially dominant groups. Schools and colleges do indeed help to justify inequality, but they also have become arenas in which a highly politicized egalitarian consciousness has developed among some parents, teachers, and students. The authoritarian classroom does produce docile workers, but is also produces misfits and rebels. The university trains the elite in the skills of domination, but it has also given birth to a powerful radical movement and critique of capitalist society.* [….] [T]he organization of education—in particular the correspondence between school structure and job structure—has taken distinct and characteristic forms in different periods of U.S. history, and has evolved in response to political and economic struggles associated with the process of capital accumulation, the extension of the wage-labor system, and the transition from an entrepreneurial to a corporate economy. — Samuel Bowles and Herbert Gintis, Schooling in Capitalist America: Educational Reform and the Contradictions of Economic Life (Haymarket Books, 2011; first published in 1976 by Basic Books).

* There are a number of titles that speak to the birth of such Left radicalism in universities and colleges in this compilation.

Happiness and education are, properly, intimately related: happiness should be an aim of education, and a good education should contribute significantly to personal and collective happiness. [….] Through more than five decades of teaching and mothering I have noticed … that children (and adults, too) learn best when they are happy. This is not to say that harsh methods are never effective in production rote learning, nor does it mean the intermittent vexation and occasional failure are absent from a happy student life. On the contrary, challenge and struggle are post of the quest for knowledge and competence. However, struggle is an inevitable aspect of learning; we educators do not have to invent struggles for our students, and students who are generally happy with their studies are better able to bring meaning to difficult periods and get through them with some satisfaction. — Nel Noddings, Happiness and Education (Cambridge University Press, 2003)

Happy people are rarely mean, violent, or cruel. Having said that, and I believe it is largely true of individuals, I will immediately modify it by noting that groups and even whole societies can be happy, while others suffer under their exploitation and neglect. We shall have to ask in what sense such people are happy. I will however, affirm the initial claim: happy individuals are rarely violent or intentionally cruel, either to other human beings or to nonhuman animals. Our basic orientation to moral education, then, should be a commitment to building a world in which it is both possible and desirable for children to be good—a world in which children are happy. — Nel Noddings, Happiness and Education (Cambridge University Press, 2003)

In the past, great educators have devoted much thought to the issue of aims, but today we hear little such debate. It is a though our society has simply decided that the purpose of schooling is economic—to improve the financial condition of individuals and to advance the prosperity of the nation. Hence students should do well on standardized tests, get into good colleges, obtain well-paying jobs, and buy lots of things. [….] Education, by its very nature, should help people to develop their best selves—to become people with pleasing talents, useful and satisfying occupations, self-understanding, sound character, a host of appreciations, and a commitment to continuous learning. A large part of our obligation as educators is to help students understand the wonders and complexities of happiness, to raise questions about it, and to explore promising possibilities responsibly. [….] [E]ducation should offer many, many opportunities for students to hear about and participate in activities that may yield minor ecstasies—gardening, hiking in the wilderness, holding an infant, watching a sunrise or sunset, cooking a terrific meal, coming home to the companionship of family, listening to favorite music, surfing an ocean wave, coaxing a houseplant to bloom, reading poetry, having tea and cookies with an elderly grandma…. — Nel Noddings, Happiness and Education (Cambridge University Press, 2003)

Notice right at the start that public schools in liberal [capitalist] democracies pay very little attention to preparation for personal life. Most of our attention goes to preparation for higher forms of education, and thus for the world of paid work. We do give some lip service to preparation for civic life, but most of our attention in the area goes to national histories, voting rights, and the like. It is preparation for civic life writ large, not for neighborhood life. Civic life, as interpreted in school, is not a domain in which many of us seek happiness. Happiness lies closer to home. This domain of community comparable to the child’s street or play yard is absorbed almost entirely into the category of personal life. — Nel Noddings, Happiness and Education (Cambridge University Press, 2003)

… [T]he real story of anarchist education … is unfolding in the nondescript classrooms of under-resourced inner-city schools, in the leafy grounds of independent schools; in grimy youth clubs; on the streets; in theater halls and in seminar rooms. [….] [A]ctivists and teachers … are practising, experimenting with and developing various forms of anarchist education: through street theater; through anti-racist, feminist and critical pedagogy; through the founding and running of experiments in collective living; through innovative approaches to art education, sex education, political action against oppression, community projects, and numerous other initiative that challenge dominant mind-sets and political structures and form part of the ongoing chorus of what [Colin] Ward called ‘voices of creative dissent.’ [….] Philosophers of education and educational practices can benefit from a serious examination of anarchist ideas, and … many of these have value whether or not one endorses anarchism as a political ideology…. The question of ‘what should our society be like,’ is for the anarchist … logically prior to any questions about what kind of education we want. The view of society, which informs the anarchist ideas on education is … a normative vision of what society could be like. The optimality of this vision is justified with reference to complex ideas on human nature and values…. The anarchist utopia … is built on the assumption of propensities, values, and tendencies in which, it is argued, are already present in human social activity. — Judith Suissa, Anarchism and Education: A Philosophical Perspective (PM Press, 2010).

This post on The Workers Children’s Camp or Wo-Chi-Ca (founded by the Furriers’ Union) is part of an ongoing series on “laudable communism and communists.” It so happens that I first learned of Wo-Chi-Ca when doing research on the remarkable Black artist, Charles White. White met his second wife (after Elizabeth Catlett), Frances Barrett, at the camp, where she was a counselor, while White himself was for a time its art director. One of the photos is a piece White did for the camp: Untitled (Mural Study, Camp Wo-Chi-Ca), 1945, tempera and graphite on illustration board. Soon thereafter I came across Dick Flacks’ inspiring account of his childhood years at the camp in the joint autobiography he wrote with his wife, Mickey Flacks (I’ve known Dick since his days as one of my teachers at UC Santa Barbara back in the mid-1980s). This provoked me into thinking afresh about philosophy of education and pedagogical practices.

The material immediately below (lightly corrected and edited) is based on an oral history interviews with Judy Hodges. That is followed by Dick Flacks’ enchanting account of his years at “Camp Wo-Chi-Ca” (a title that is, strictly speaking, redundant) from the book he co-wrote with his lamentably late wife, Mickey Flacks (1940-2020), Making History/Making Blintzes: How Two Red Diaper Babies Found Each Other and Discovered America (Rutgers University Press, 2018.

“Wo-Chi-Ca camp was birthed in 1934 amidst World War II, McCarthyism, The Great Depression, and the Cold War. Wo-Chi-Camp is short for Workers Children’s Camp. It was an interracial co-educational summer vacation camp found in New Jersey. The emergence of this camp came from summer vacation homes designed for people with ties to the Communist Party. Originally, these spaces were inter-generational, but the adults began to realize that the youth needed their own summer community as well. In 1934, a New Jersey farmer and his wife donated 127 acres of land to start Camp Unity, the first interracial camp supported by the communist party in the United States. Camp Unity would then be called Workers Children’s Camp or Wo-Chi-Ca for short.

‘The idealist who would found Wo-Chi-Ca wanted their children to experience “The World of the Future” today, through shared living with those of different racial and ethnic backgrounds. They especially wanted to welcome Negro children to their new camp. Labor-based, co-educational, affordable, inter-racial: for a children’s camp in 1934, a revolutionary concept.’ Wo-Chi-Ca’s directors wanted ethnic diversity and racial integration. Many of the campers came from union families and so the ethnic diversity was not hard to get, but the racial integration was more difficult. African Americans at the time were barred from most unions and were segregated in the ghettos. So, the organizers of the camp decided to reach out to Black neighborhoods in order to ensure that Black children had the same opportunities as Whites. This was particularly important because the McCarthy era had created distance among the NAACP and the Communist Party. Wo-Chi-Ca would serve as a way to support the Civil Rights Movement. Wo-Chi-Ca was very successful at doing this and in 1943 there was one Black child for every 5 White children at Wo-Chi-Ca.

Camp ran for five periods of two weeks each, with room for 200 children at any given time. The camp committed itself to music and the arts. It was well known for its commitment to raising awareness and building appreciation for arts and music. Art and music was used as a strategy to build relationships across ethnic and racial divides that were happening as a result of the segregation that was in place. Wo-Chi-Ca committed itself to diversity both in their campers and their staff. They wanted to create an intentional integrated space throughout the entire camp.

Famous artist[s] [such as] Pete Seeger, Paul Robeson, and Woody Guthrie had visited or worked at the camp during its time. Paul Robeson, an American singer and actor, was actively involved in the camp. He first came to the camp in 1940 and returned every year to sing, play ball, and talk to the campers. The camp also saw other notable artist such as Charles White, Canada Lee, Pearl Primus, Ernest Crichlow, Jacob Lawrence, and political figures such as Howard Fast and Dr. Edward Barsky. These individuals would come to the camp to talk about their experiences and struggles with trying to change the world.

By diversifying the staff and campers and inviting prominent leaders from the Black community to the camp, the camp served as a uniquely strong educational environment. Black campers were able to see other Blacks in positions of authority. The camp served as a glimpse of what the world should be. It softened prejudices and stereotypes and created friendships with children before they were socialized into racism. This camp also reflected a change in ideology that was in line with society. This ideology was one that was child inclusive, labor oriented, and community focused. They did this through art programming that connected art education with deeper understanding of collective struggle.

‘Camp Wo-Chi-Ca, like other leftist camps at the time, believed in intentionally and openly discussing race and class. However, Wo-Chi-Ca’s focus on intentional dialogue was also complemented by the everyday camp practices. Camp Wo-Chi-Ca addressed race and class in two separate, but connected ways: through staffing (discussed earlier) and programming. This intersection of staff and programming seeped into several categories: visual arts, performing arts, recreation, and political activism.’ (Charles White)

Wo-Chi-Ca was a progressive educational summer camp for kids. These young pioneers were activist and leaders. Judy Hodges was among the campers during the 1930’s and 1940’s learning about the importance of loving all humankind as well as playing board games and receiving swimming lessons.

In the early 1950’s the camp fell to the pressure of McCarthyism and closed its doors. Like many other leftist camps, Wo-Chi-Ca struggled with threats ranging from community members to state and federal pressures. The biggest pressure was financial. After the IWO [‘The International Workers Order (IWO) was an insurance, mutual benefit and fraternal organization founded in 1930 and disbanded in 1954 as the result of legal action undertaken by the state of New York in 1951 on the grounds that the organization was too closely linked to the Communist Party’].was placed on the U.S. Attorney General’s ‘List of Subversive Organizations,’ the camp could no longer get federal tax exemptions. The camp’s name was changed several times in order to avoid the financial issues, but to no avail. The camp closed and its commitment to social justice and racial integration was forced to be carried out by the campers and staff members. Judy Hodges was one such camper who has continued abiding by the ideology instilled in Wo-Chi-Ca. Her best friend Sandy Ackerman has faithfully stayed true to the values at the camp as well. Their commitment is a testament to the power of the camp.” [….]

* * *

“The summer of 1947 was … my first time away at children’s camp—another big marker of exciting growth. The camp I went to was called Wo-Chi-Ca, in New Jersey. The name sounds like a Native American word, but it actually was a contraction of Workers Children’s Camp. Wo-Chi-Ca was created under the auspices of the International Workers Order (or IWO—the Communist Party-oriented split-off of the Workmen’s Circle). The camp’s creation was a departure from the ethnically based cultural projects of the IWO (including the establishment of Camp Kinderland, the left-wing Yiddish camp, founded in 1923, where Mickey and I later fell in love). In contrast, it was, intentionally and systematically, designed as an interracial camp, with staff chosen to be racially mixed and campers brought not only from middle-class Jewish neighborhoods like mine but from all parts of the New York region. The camp’s fees were cheap, and a good deal of subsidy was available to enable poorer minority kids the opportunity to have a terrific time together outdoors in the country, getting to know and be close to people of ‘all races and religions.’ But alongside the intention to create a kind of interracial oasis were other moral concerns that shaped the program and the experience. For example, there was a kind of ‘camper democracy’ in which each bunk elected a representative to a camper council that was responsible for convening camp-wide town meetings, and there was a good deal of camper participation in planning group activities. These practices of democracy were largely symbolic. Still, as a camper, I was absorbing the idea that this was the way the world should be organized.

We kids took such learning to heart. During my first summer at camp, a bunch of us undertook a picket of the group director’s tent. I don’t recall what the issue was, but we went on strike for a whole afternoon. I’m not sure whether the camp authorities were pleased that the kids had learned that particular form of expression. This was my first direct experience with a picket line and strike, but it seemed to fit in with the songs and the discourse that I had been raised from birth to hear and that were celebrated every day at camp. I ended up going to Wo-Chi-Ca for the next four years, and I think of those years as having had a very profound impact on shaping who I am.

Music was crucial in the camp. Some of the counselors were highly spirited musicians in the Pete Singer vein. Fred Hellerman and Ronnie Gilbert, who joined Seeger and Lee Hays to form the Weavers, got their start as counselors at Wo-Chi-Ca, as did other folk performers of note, such as Ernie Lieberman and Bob Carey. Seeger (oddly) never came to Wo-Chi-Ca, but we had a young counselor named Dave Sear whose banjo and voice were identical to Seeger’s when you closed your eyes. In 1948 we came to camp to discover an astonishing-looking building, with a big sign that read: Paul Robeson Playhouse. It was a recycled Quonset hut from World War II [a picture of which I’ve provided], and it seemed huge to a little kid—the size of a full-scale gym. It served as a very effective auditorium, and its acoustics were such that when a group of kids were singing, the sound was just overwhelming, at least to my young ears. In that hall, our group singing became an enrapturing daily experience. [….]

One summer, some of the bunks got caught up in discussing racial stereotyping in comic books and children’s games. A kid had brought a Little Black Sambo board game to camp. After much camp-wide discussion, the bunk wrote a letter to the Milton Bradley Company, calling attention to the crude stereotypes portrayed in the game. The company responded to the letter and eventually tried to transform the game to eliminate the stereotypes. The comic book discussions were aimed at sensitizing kids to racist images—not only of blacks but also of Asians, Mexicans, and other sorts of caricature. Indeed, the discussion spilled over to a more general cultural criticism. Somehow, in the midst of swimming, sports of all kinds, theater, singing, and crafts, alongside endless lights-out-dirty-joke telling and talk about girls and coupling—there was a lot of pretty serious discussions about Reds and red-baiting, capitalism and socialism, and race.

[….] Wo-Chi-Ca somehow had become a significant haven for embattled cultural workers. Particularly important, I think, was that for some of the great African American artists who were on the camp’s staff, it provided a little livelihood and relaxed time. They included Pearl Primus, a major figure in the dance world, and artists, Charles White, Elizabeth Catlett, Jacob Lawrence, and Ernest Crichlow. Each week the camp’s town meeting or other assemblies feature fascinating guests. Among them were people who had been blacklisted, including harmonic master Larry Adler, dance Paul Draper, novelist Howard Fast, poet Aaron Kramer, and basso Kenneth Spencer. A legend in the camp was Ella Reeve ‘Mother’ Bloor—the Communist Party’s own Mother Jones—and Aunt Molly Jackson, an old-time veteran of the class war. But of course, the leading guest was Paul Robeson. In the late thirties Robeson had been a key figure in raising money and support for the camp, attracted strongly by the project of making an interracial children’s paradise. I was at camp when Robeson visited in 1948. My group took the softball field, and he somehow was on the field with us (and I am certain that I got a Robeson tickle in the ribs).

His visit that year was an especially big deal, because it was on that occasion that the Robeson Playhouse was dedicated. Robeson’s voice filled the hall as he talked and sang about his vision of a world music [a vision realized insofar as today we would not use the article ‘a’ in reference to such music]. A number of other dignitaries o the IWO were onstage as well, including the famed graphic artist Rockwell Kent, who was honorary president of the organization. We were accordingly immersed in the cultural world of the communist movement (including a surfeit of Soviet movies, mixed with Charlie Chaplin shorts on the weekly movie nights).

That a communist-run camp was an indoctrination program for inducting young minds and bodies into the dogmas and disciplines of the Party is probably taken for granted. The story I’m telling is different, and it had a surprising outcome, for me at least. It’s the story of an intensely moral project whose aim was to inculcate not doctrine and party loyalty, but radical democratic and egalitarian values [this is another illustration of what I term ‘laudable communism’]. About a fourth of the staff were African American, and one out of five children who attended were black—so the lived experience of the camp, combined with the content of its program, surely had significance when it came to the racial attitudes of those who went there. Along with this was the lived experience of camper democracy, of cultural criticism, and of valuing American cultural traditions (embodied in folk music and square dancing, in reading the works of John Steinbeck and Carl Sandburg, and in much else that came to us in those years following the era of the Popular Front and the New Deal).

For me, the experience at camp had a lot to do with how I came to be a conscious, identified, and committed lefty, fusing that leftism with a powerful conviction about the necessity of democracy in the fullest sense. That conviction was important a few years late in enabling me and others like me who had been at Wo-Chi-Ca to question and then reject the Communist Party’s authority and legitimacy, because the Party in the United States as well as in the Soviet Union departed so totally from the democratic principles that we had imbibed in our time at camp. [….] Defending democracy at that time meant becoming aware of and resistant to the Red Scare and the attempt to purge the Left from American life. My experience with Bobby Williamson and his family and the others (many of whose children were fellow campers) who had been indicted under the Smith Act and related government prosecutions was my first personal encounter with that emerging climate.

At home, I was beginning to sense the dangers. My parents became more wary of having evidence of left-wing affiliation lying around, exposed. So, although we subscribed to the Daily Worker, copies were hidden away, whatever company was coming. And like many other red diaper babies, I remember an occasion when there was a housecleaning to remove a lot of pamphlets and other incriminating materials and to store them away in secret hiding holes in the house. A very traumatic episode in that process revolved around Camp Wo-Chi-Ca in the last year I was there. Local hooligans were threatening the camp—carloads of local youth drove into camp, demanding that the sign with Robeson’s name be removed and threatening to burn down the playhouse. By the end of the summer, we later learned, some staff were patrolling the camp’s grounds with arms because of threats to poison the water supply.

That was in 1950, in the aftermath of the Peekskill riots. These were the violent episodes in which Paul Robeson concerts, planned for outdoors, near Peekskill, New York, were attacked by mobs. White youth recruited by veterans groups beat people while police stood by. It was that experience in the late summer of 1949 that probably crystallized the view in Party circles that there was a fascist threat in the United States.

For fifteen years prior to the rioting, Robeson had been popular on a global scale. He was probably the highest-paid black performer in the world and was certainly one of the best-known and most recognizable human beings on the planet. His stage and film performances were celebrated, his recordings sold widely, and his concerts in the United States and Europe sold out. But Robeson had been to the USSR and in the late thirties had turned articulately to the left, speaking out on race issues in the United States and against the Cold War and favorably on the Soviet Union after World War II.

After Peekskill, Robeson was totally banned from making public appearances, on the grounds that his presence would invoke violence. His commercial record contracts were terminated. His passport revoked. Camp Wo-Chi-Ca, as one of Robeson’s projects, had become a target of hater locally and consequently faced multiple dangers to it survival.”

In 1951, a new camp (with a new name) opened on the site, operating for one year before moving to the state of New York.

References and Further Reading

Aptheker, Bettina F. Intimate Politics: How I Grew Up Red, Fought for Free Speech, and Became a Feminist Rebel (Seal Press/Avalon, 2006).
Baldwin, Kate A. Beyond the Color Line: Reading Encounters between Black and Red, 1922–1963 (Duke University Press, 2002).
Barnwell, Andrea D. Charles White (Pomegranate Press, 2002).
Barrett-White, Frances, with Anne Scott. Reaches of the Heart: A Loving Look at the Artist Charles White (Barricade Books, 1994).
Bentley, Eric, ed. Thirty Years of Treason: Excerpts from Hearings Before the House Committee on Un-American Activities, 1938–1968 (Thunder’s Mouth Press/Nation Books, 2002 [Viking Press, 1971]).
Biondi, Martha. To Stand and Fight: The Struggle for Civil Rights in Postwar New York City (Harvard University Press, 2003).
Bowles, Samuel and Herbert Gintis. Schooling in Capitalist America: Educational Reform and the Contradictions of Economic Life (Haymarket Books, 2011 ed. [1976]).
Caute, David. The Great Fear: The Anti-Communist Purge Under Truman and Eisenhower (Simon and Schuster, 1978).
Denning, Michael. The Cultural Front: The Laboring of American Culture in the Twentieth Century (Verso, 2010 [1997]).
Dossett, Kate. Radical Black Theatre in the New Deal (University of North Carolina Press, 2020).
Duberman, Martin Bauml. Paul Robeson (Alfred A. Knopf, 1988).
Flacks, Mickey and Dick Flacks. Making History/Making Blintzes: How Two Red Diaper Babies Found Each Other and Discovered America (Rutgers University Press, 2018).
Gladchuk, John Joseph. Hollywood and Anticommunism: HUAC and the Evolution of the Red Menace, 1935–1950 (Routledge, 2006.)
Goldstein, Robert Justin. American Blacklist: The Attorney General’s List of Subversive Organizations (University Press of Kansas, 2008).
Goodman, Jordan. Paul Robeson: A Watched Man (Verso, 2013).
Gore, Dayo F. Radicalism at the Crossroads: African American Women Activists in the Cold War (New York University Press, 2011).
Hartman, Andrew. Education and the Cold War: The Battle of the American School (Palgrave Macmillan, 2008).
Haworth, Robert H., ed. Anarchist Pedagogies: Collective Actions, Theories, and Critical Reflections on Education (PM Press, 2012).
Haworth, Robert H. and John M. Elmore, eds. Out of the Ruins: The Emergence of Radical Informal Learning Spaces (PM Press, 2017).
Horne, Gerald. Black and Red: W.E.B. Du Bois and the Afro-American Response to the Cold War, 1944-1963 (State University of New York Press, 1986).
Horne, Gerald. Communist Front? The Civil Rights Congress, 1946-1956 (Associated University Presses, 1988).
Horne, Gerald. Black Liberation/Red Scare: Ben Davis and the Communist Party (University of Delaware Press, 1994).
Levine, June and Gene Gordon. Tales of Wo-Chi-Ca: Blacks, Whites and Reds at Camp (Avon Springs Press, 2002).
McDuffie, Erik S. Sojourning for Freedom: Black Women, American Communism, and the Making of Black Left Feminism (Duke University Press, 2011).
Mishler, Paul C. Raising Reds: The Young Pioneers, Radical Summer Camps, and Communist Political Culture in the United States (Columbia University Press, 1999).
Morgan, Stacey I. Rethinking Social Realism: African American Art and Literature, 1930-1953 (University of Georgia Press, 2004).
Mullen, Bill V. Popular Fronts: Chicago and African-American Cultural Politics, 1935-46 (University of Illinois Press, 2^nd, 2015 [1999]).
Noddings, Nel. Happiness and Education (Cambridge University Press, 2003).
Oehler, Sarah Kely and Esther Adler, eds. Charles White: A Retrospective (The Art Institute of Chicago/Museum of Modern Art/Yale University Press, 2018).
O’Reilly, Kenneth. Hoover and the Unamericans: The FBI, HUAC, and the Red Menace (Temple University Press, 1983).
Ryan, Alan. Liberal Anxieties and Liberal Education (Hill and Wang, 1998).
Smethurst, James. The New Red Negro: The Literary Left and African American Poetry, 1930-1946 (Oxford University Press, 1999).
Storch, Randi. Red Chicago: American Communism at Its Grassroots, 1928-35 (University of Illinois Press, 2009).
Suissa, Judith. Anarchism and Education: A Philosophical Perspective. Oakland, CA: PM Press, 2010 (Routledge, 2006).
Von Eschen, Penny M. Race Against Empire: Black Americans and Anticolonialism, 1937-1957 (Cornell University Press, 1997).
Wald, Alan M. The Responsibility of Intellectuals: Selected Essays on Marxist Traditions in Cultural Commitment (Prometheus Books, 1992).
Wald, Alan M. Exiles from a Future Time: The Forging of the Mid-Twentieth-Century Literary Left (University of North Carolina Press, 2002).
Wald, Alan M. Trinity of Passion: The Literary Left and the Antifascist Crusade (University of North Carolina Press, 2007).
Wald, Alan M. American Night: The Literary Left in the Era of the Cold War (University of North Carolina Press, 2012).
Washington, Mary Helen. The Other Blacklist: The African American Literary and Cultural Left of the 1950s (Columbia University Press, 2014).
Weigand, Kate. Red Feminism: American Communism and the Making of Women’s Liberation (Johns Hopkins University Press, 2001).

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07/21/2020

Wo-Chi-Ca—a communist children’s camp: education in democratic and egalitarian values under the polestar of social justice

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